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Special
Issue:
Direct Instruction Reading Programs: Examining Effectiveness
For At-Risk Students in Urban Settings
Guest
Editors' Introduction
Martha Abele Mac Iver and Elizabeth
A. Kemper
This
special issue of JESPAR is devoted to recent studies of the
Direct Instruction (DI) reading program and was inspired by several
presentations on DI at the Fort Worth Reading Symposium, sponsored
by the Fort Worth Independent School District in August 2000. As
a result of that conference, a dialog began with many of the authors
whose research is presented in this volume. Popularized by recent
media reports, including the PBS documentary "The Battle of
City Springs," as well as articles in Education Week (Manzo,
1998; Viadero, 1999), the National Review (Nadler, 1998), and Policy
Review (Palmaffy, 1998), DI has enjoyed renewed prominence over
the past several years. DI as a whole-school reform initiative grew
out of the earlier reading instruction research of Sigfried Engelmann
and his associates, who developed the DISTAR program more than 30
years ago. Numerous experiments focused on how students learn most
effectively shaped the many technical details of the program, which
requires teachers to follow carefully scripted lessons in a specific
sequence. Kameenui, Simmons, Chard, and Dickson (1997) offered a
particularly useful and thorough overview of the model and related
research, which we can summarize only briefly in the following introduction.
DI received particular attention as one of the most effective programs
involved in Project Follow Through, a federal compensatory education
program beginning in 1967 for low-income students in kindergarten
through third grade. Because many educators perceived DI as rigid,
it was not eagerly embraced by the educational mainstream (Viadero,
1999). Longitudinal research conducted by developers of a competing
preschool curricular model (and subsequently challenged on methodological
grounds) also associated DI with higher rates of emotional problems
and felony arrests when its students reached late adolescence and
early adulthood (Bereiter, 1986; Gersten, 1986; Schweinhart, Weikart,
& Larner, 1986a; Schweinhart, Weikart, & Larner, 1986b;
Schweinhart & Weikart, 1997). Plagued by negative publicity
like this, DI continued as a sort of underground reform movement
until the later 1990s, when it was named in a study by the American
Institutes for Research as one of only three school reform programs
to have a "strong" record of evidence of positive effects
on student achievement (Herman et. al, 1999). Other groups, including
the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), have also identified
it as a promising whole-school reform model (AFT, 1998).
Much of the research documenting positive achievement outcomes for
DI was based, however, on special education student populations,
as Slavin and Fashola (1998) have noted. In fact, of the studies
included in a recent meta-analysis of the effects of DI (Adams &
Engelmann, 1996), more than half used a special education student
sample. Recognizing the important, documented effects of DI for
learning-disabled and other special education students (e.g., Gersten,
1985; White, 1988), as well as the impact of DI on achievement in
subjects such as mathematics, language, and spelling (see studies
cited in Adams & Engelmann, 1996; Hermann et al., 1999), we
decided to focus this special issue more specifically on studies
of DI in reading among regular education populations. As the following
review of relevant literature on DI reading demonstrates, much of
the research was published more than a decade ago, and was often
based on student test scores from the early 1970s. It is essential
for educators and policymakers to have access to more recent studies
of DI, and this special issue seeks to address that need by gathering
several studies from the late 1990s together in one place. After
reviewing the previous research base for DI reading, we present
a brief summary of each of the research articles, case studies,
and commentaries included in this issue.
The best evidence for an effect of DI on reading achievement for
regular education students comes from several reanalyses of data
from Project Follow Through (Stebbins, St. Pierre, Proper, Anderson,
& Cerva, 1977). As a "planned variation approach,"
Project Follow Through was designed so that the relative effectiveness
of the different models could be evaluated. Beginning in the late
1960s, Follow Through programs were implemented in roughly 4000
classrooms distributed over more than 170 school districts and continued
for more than a decade in some cases. The original Follow Through
evaluation (Stebbins et al., 1977) concluded that basic skills models
(including DI) were the most effective of the programs studied.
Although there has been considerable debate about the methodology
of the Follow Through study (Anderson, St. Pierre, Proper, &
Stebbins, 1978; Bereiter & Kurland, 1981-82; Gersten, 1984;
Guthrie, 1977; House, Glass, McLean, & Walker, 1978; House,
1979; Wisler, Burns, & Iwamoto, 1978), it still provides a useful
database for analyzing the impact of DI as a school reform program.
Becker and Carnine (1980) presented evidence that students in DI
schools outperformed students in other Follow Through reform models
on the Metropolitan Achievement Tests (Reading, Math, Spelling,
and Language) as well as the Wide Range Achievement Test (WRAT).
By the end of third grade, after 4 years of DI, students in the
Follow Through sites were also performing at approximately grade
level (50th percentile) in all areas except MAT reading (which Becker
& Carnine, 1980, defined as testing primarily reading comprehension
skills). On the MAT reading subtest DI students were, on average,
at the 40th percentile. Four of the nine cohorts of third grade
students at a New York City DI site (1973-81) were achieving at
grade level or above (higher than 45th percentile) on the MAT or
SAT reading test after 4 years of DI (Meyer, Gersten, & Gutkin,
1983). The Meyer, Gersten and Gutkin (1983) report of the Abt evaluation
summary of effects on Cohorts 2 and 3 indicated that the reading
effect was significant only when a pooled comparison group was used,
and only in one of the two cohorts under study (p. 247). Meyer,
Gersten, and Gutkin also presented evidence that reading achievement
at this New York City DI site was significantly higher than the
district as a whole.1 A subsequent study (Gersten,
Darch, & Gleason, 1988) noted that participation in a DI kindergarten
appeared to be crucial: Students with 4 years of DI (including kindergarten)
significantly outperformed control students on the MAT reading test
at the end of third grade, while there was no difference between
control students and those students who had experienced just 3 years
(first through third grade) of DI.
Several other studies built on the early Follow Through studies
by examining later achievement effects on children who participated
in the DI reform. Becker and Gersten (1982) analyzed fifth and sixth
grade achievement effects for students from five different sites
who all experienced 4 years of DI. They found strong, significant
effects of DI on the WRAT reading test (a measure of decoding) for
both fifth and sixth graders (as well as effects in spelling and
math problem solving). The effect of DI on MAT reading (comprehension-focused)
and word knowledge was not as pronounced, in that most comparisons
were not significant, but none favored the comparison group. Gersten,
Darch, and Gleason (1988) reported significantly higher ninth grade
reading scores on the California Achievement Test (CAT)2
for East St. Louis DI students (compared to control students)3
6 years after students had received the 4-year intervention. The
effects were significant for students without DI kindergarten (effect
size=+0.31, p < .05) as well as for those who attended a DI kindergarten
(effect size=+0.49, p < .01). Similarly, Gersten and Keating
(1987) reported significantly higher ninth grade achievement scores
on the CAT in reading and mathematics for DI cohorts from an anonymous
city (called Finley), as well as a nearly significant effect of
early DI on ninth grade reading scores in Flint, Michigan. DI students
from Flint were also significantly less likely than their comparison
group to have an attendance problem (10 or more absences per year)
in high school or to be retained in grade (Gersten & Keating,
1987). Meyer (1984) followed the Follow Through DI students in New
York City through high school to ascertain the long-term academic
effects of the intervention. Compared to control groups, significantly
more of the DI students graduated from high school (59.5% vs. 37.6%),
applied to college (34% vs. 18.5%), and were accepted to college
(34% vs. 17%). Significantly more of the control students were retained
(32.6% vs. 21.4%) or dropped out of school (46% vs. 27.7%). DI students
scored significantly higher on ninth grade reading and math tests
as well.
Apart from the studies based on the original Project Follow Through
data, the only other longitudinal study (examining students who
have experienced a DI intervention for at least 3 years) appears
to be the study of the Alliance of Quality Schools in Broward County,
Florida (Varela-Russo, Blasik, & Ligas, 1997; Varela-Russo,
Blasik, & Ligas, 1998).4 DI is one component of
a larger reform strategy in a group of 32 schoolwide Title I elementary
schools within that district. More than 80% of students in the schools
implementing this reform program were eligible for free or reduced-price
lunch. Analysis of nearly a thousand students who experienced DI
for at least 3 years, compared to a demographically similar group
of control students, indicated that DI in reading was able to nearly
close the reading achievement gap between program and control students
in third and fourth grades (though both groups were achieving at
just the 37th percentile on the reading comprehension subtest of
the SAT8). But DI students' reading scores decreased, on average,
in fifth grade, falling below the comparison group and reopening
the gap. One of the recommendations in the 1997 report was to "enhance
the elements of the Alliance program to strengthen reading and math
achievement in Grade 5" (Varela-Russo et al., 1997, p. 19).
Though Camden, NJ was not part of the original Follow Through study,
it began implementing DI in at least one school in 1978, and received
a Follow Through grant in 1988 to implement DI in one elementary
school. Several published studies of DI in Camden5
yielded mixed results regarding the impact of 1 or 2 years of DI
on reading achievement for second graders. A 1-year experimental
study of DI in two second-grade classrooms (with randomly selected
children and teachers) yielded a significant positive effect of
DI on CTBS reading vocabulary scores (DiObilda & Brent, 1985-86).
A small sample size (n=47 in each group) may have prevented the
positive effect of DI on comprehension scores from reaching statistical
significance. Brent, DiObilda, and Gavin (1986) also reported a
positive effect of 2 years of DI instruction by experienced teachers
on second grade reading scores, while students with an inexperienced
DI teacher performed no better than control students. In a larger
study of Camden second graders who had experienced 2 years of DI,
Brent and DiObilda (1993) found no effects of DI on CTBS reading
scores, concluding the program was "as effective as traditional
programs that are aligned with a specific standardized test"
(p. 337).
Other short-term studies of the impact of DI on reading achievement
were similarly mixed. In a 1-year study in which 24 second-grade
students were randomly assigned either to DISTAR reading or "Johnny
Right to Read" programs, Summerell and Brannigan (1977) found
significantly greater gains in reading comprehension (measured by
the paragraph meaning subtest of the Stanford Achievement Test)
for the DISTAR group, but no significant differences on the word
meaning subtest. A study of a 15-week remedial reading program (averaging
a total of 45 hours of instruction) for second through sixth graders,
in which a total of 72 students were randomly assigned either to
DISTAR or another structured reading program, found that both groups
made equivalent gains (Richardson et al., 1978). One-year quasi-experimental
studies of the impact of DI in reading on first graders found evidence
of an effect on language ability (measured by the Slosson Intelligence
Test) (Sexton, 1989), spelling and word analysis (measured on the
Iowa Test of Basic Skills; Snider, 1990), and reading vocabulary
(measured by the Gates McGinitie Reading Test) (Bowers, 1972). But
Bowers (1972) did not find evidence of a significant effect of DISTAR
on reading comprehension,6 and Snider (1990) found
no difference between DISTAR and control groups on reading and vocabulary
subtests of the Iowa Test of Basic Skills. Gersten, Carnine, Zoref,
and Cronin (1986) presented evidence of considerable growth in reading
achievement among first-graders in a DISTAR program (from the 18th
percentile on the CTBS Level A reading readiness test in spring
of the kindergarten year to the 46th percentile on the CTBS Level
B total reading score in spring of the first grade year), but there
was no control group in that particular study. Many short-term experimental
studies of DI techniques, generally with small groups of remedial
students, have indicated significant effects of DI (e.g., Kaiser
et al., 1989).
While there is considerable evidence that DI has a significant effect
on decoding skills in reading as well as on vocabulary skills, there
is much less evidence of an impact of the program on reading comprehension.
It is possible that the impact of Direct Instruction on reading
comprehension might be more pronounced in sites where implementation
is further advanced, given that it often takes several years for
a reform effort to take root sufficiently to produce positive results
(Fullan, 1999). Several studies of DI have reported a high correlation
between achievement results and fidelity of implementation (Gersten
& Carnine, 1980; Gersten et al., 1986) or levels of DI experience
among teachers (Brent, DiObilda, & Gavin, 1986). It may simply
take time for teachers to gain sufficient experience and implementation
to be solidified before an effect emerges. Given this consideration,
the dearth of longitudinal studies other than the Follow Through
study of DI is unfortunate.7 There may indeed be a
reading comprehension effect that simply has not been uncovered
yet in the studies to date.
DI advocates have directly addressed the issue of their difficulties
in achieving an effect on comprehension scores. Becker (1977) argued
that standardized tests of reading comprehension assume a working
vocabulary that gives children from middle class homes (where they
develop such a vocabulary) an advantage over children whose families
do not similarly contribute to such vocabulary development. Because
of this, he outlined a specific plan to build vocabulary development
into the program. In addition, DI advocates have outlined the importance
of teaching reading comprehension skills directly (Carnine et al.,
1997; Gersten & Carnine, 1986). Short-term experimental studies
have shown convincingly the effectiveness of DI in strategies for
summarizing passages and drawing inferences (Adams, Carnine, &
Gersten, 1982; Carnine, Kameenui, & Woolfson, 1982; Carnine
& Kinder, 1985; Carnine, Stevens, & Clements, 1982; Patching,
Kameenui, Carnine, Gersten, & Colvin, 1983; Ross & Carnine,
1982).
Since most of the published research on DI is more than 10 years
old, and questions remain about its effectiveness in improving reading
comprehension, we believe the studies included in this special issue
represent a particularly important contribution to the literature
on DI and whole-school reform efforts. Four longitudinal research
studies from the late 1990s examine the impact of DI on reading
achievement in Broward County (Florida), Houston, Fort Worth, and
Baltimore. Maria Ligas analyzes the impact of the 5-year Alliance
of Quality Schools project in Broward County, Florida, which utilized
DI Reading Mastery as the major component of reading instruction.
Growth scores in reading comprehension for Alliance school students
in Grades 3 through 8 were compared to district averages, adjusted
so that program and comparison students had the same demographic
characteristics. Coleen Carlson and David Francis present results
of their external evaluation of the Rodeo Institute for Teacher
Excellence (RITE) program, in which the DI Reading Mastery curriculum
was implemented over a 4-year period in kindergarten, first, and
second grade classrooms in a total of 20 schools. Their longitudinal
study of experimental and comparison school cohorts analyzes the
impact of DI reading instruction on several standardized measures
of reading achievement. O'Brien and Ware provide a detailed evaluation
of how both DI and Open Court reading programs were implemented
in a total of 61 schools in the Fort Worth Independent School District
in 1998-99 and 1999-2000. They analyze the impact of these programs
on reading achievement for kindergarten, first, and second graders.
Mac Iver and Kemper examine the effects of DI reading in a 4-year
longitudinal study of kindergarten and second grade cohorts at six
experimental and six comparison schools in Baltimore. The study
focuses on reading achievement for these cohorts, primarily in third
and fifth grades respectively after 4 years, as well as on 1-year
effects of DI reading for all third and fifth grade students at
the study schools in 1999-2000.
In this special issue we also include two case studies focused on
particular schools, written by advocates of DI. Muriel Berkeley,
who has served as Executive Director of the Baltimore Curriculum
Project, presents a case study of City Springs Elementary, one of
the schools included in the Mac Iver and Kemper research study.
She describes the transformation of City Springs (which was also
the subject of the PBS documentary "The Battle of City Springs")
from a chaotic school into an oasis of order. Her article documents
the dramatic growth in student achievement at the school over the
past 5 years since implementation of DI in reading began. She also
analyzes the systemic factors that impede full implementation of
DI and may limit the achievement effects of the program elsewhere
in the district. Bonita Grossen, who is currently leading implementation
of a "new generation" of DI programs in secondary schools
throughout the country, describes components of the BIG Accommodation
model and analyzes its effects on reading and mathematics achievement
over a 2-year period in a Sacramento middle school. She also discusses
developments in the DI teacher-training model and electronic progress
monitoring of student achievement.
The commentary by Jerry Silbert of the University of Oregon provides
an insightful look at these studies from the DI developers' point
of view. Barak Rosenshine, well known for his many publications
on school effectiveness, reading instruction, and explicit teaching,
has followed DI research closely over the past three decades and
offers a thoughtful critique of these studies.
We believe this set of articles, published together in this special
issue of JESPAR, represent a significant contribution to the current
national discussion about reading instruction and the utility of
whole-school reform models in seeking to raise the achievement of
students placed at risk of academic failure. With updates expected
for at least a couple of these studies in the next year, we hope
to begin a continuing dialogue among researchers regarding Direct
Instruction.
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Acknowledgements
The guest
editors wish to thank research assistants Kathleen Romig and Naomi
Graeff for their help in bibliographic research and compiling the
literature review, and Rafeeq Hasan for help in manuscript and table
preparation for this special issue. We are also deeply indebted
to JESPAR assistant editor Sarah Heneghan, who shepherded the editing
process under a very tight production schedule.
Footnotes
1. In
one analysis, they compare average reading scores for the NYC DI
cohorts for each year 1973 to 1981 against pooled comparison group
data from two cities over the time period 1973-74. Another analysis
relies on aggregate average grade equivalent scores, since neither
NCE scores nor individual level data were available.
2. We assume (though the authors do not directly specify) that the
reported average grade equivalents and percentiles for reading for
DI and control groups refer to a "Total Reading" score
on the CAT (a combination of vocabulary and comprehension).
3. Except for asserting that comparison students are "demographically
similar students who received the district's typical curriculum
in the early grades," the article does not report how the comparison
groups for this ninth grade analysis were selected. Since the sample
sizes for the ninth grade control groups are nearly 3 times larger
than those for the control group at the end of third grade, the
study does not appear to follow the same control students over time.
4. A revised and updated version of these reports appears in Maria
Ligas' contribution to this special issue. Despite numerous popular
articles about the effectiveness of DI at Wesley Elementary School
in Houston, Texas over the past two decades (e.g., Palmaffy, 1998;
Manzo, 1998), there do not appear to be any published reports (with
the exception of "On Track: Fifteen Years of Student Improvement.
Wesley Elementary School, Houston, Texas," 1992) that systematically
analyzed the impact of the reform on achievement measures for students
at the school.
5. The school where DI was implemented was typical of the district,
in which 60% of children lived in poverty and over half of families
received welfare.
6. Our reading of Bowers differs from that of Adams and Engelmann
(1996, p. 53).
7. The absence of a peer-reviewed research study on Wesley Elementary
is particularly disappointing in this regard.
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